1
CHAPTER I. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
The Ryukyu islands are located between Japan and Taiwan, with 140 islands
stretching 800 miles southward. Okinawa is the largest island, having an area of 1,257
square kilometers, length of 135 kilometers, and a width varying from 4 to 28 kilometers
Because of its geographic position, Okinawa has historically had important and
influential cultural, political, and economic relations with both China and Japan,
functioning as an unofficial middle man between the two. Japan needed Okinawa to
facilitate trade with China, and therefore allowed Okinawa to remain, to some degree,
independent. Robert Sakai credits this situation with enabling “the people... to propel
themselves from an underdeveloped culture to one which was sophisticated and unique, a
blend of indigenous Japanese and Chinese cultural elements” [1990:1].
Chinese Influence
In the 14th century Okinawa was divided into three principalities, each vying for
total control of the island. King Satto (1349-1395), the ruler of Chûzan, the central
region, and the first ruler in the Satto Dynasty (1395-1405), began a tributary trade
relationship with Ming China in 1372. This move brought Okinawa into the Chinese
world order. A Sino-centric philosophy ruled ChinaÂ’s foreign policy. In it China was at the center of the world, and her emperor the heaven-appointed ruler. Other, lesser
countries could show respect for the emperor by paying tribute.
When all was in order, with China at the top and her tributary states below, then
the divine influence of the Chinese emperor would spread to the courts and across the
world. If a country did not share these beliefs, China had to pursuade them using force.
Those that were faithful in their tributes were looked upon with favor. Among the “most
consistent in observing the proprieties of the tribute system were Korea and the Ryukyu
kingdom” [Sakai 1990:2].
The China-Okinawa relationship gave great benefits to Okinawa. Among the
benefits was increased trade. Tribute envoys were sent to China every two years to
present the tribute and perform the kou tou ritual for the emperor. While at the court
official tributary trade took place, but more important was the unofficial trading from the
envoyÂ’s ship. In the port city where the envoyÂ’s ship waited, vigorous trading occurred
between the shipÂ’s crew and local merchants.
In 1392 China sent 36 families to Okinawa to assist with government
organization. These families brought with them Chinese culture, including what is
believed to be the predecessor to the Okinawan sanshin, the sanxian. While China
remained officially passive toward her tributary states, interest in Chinese education was
encouraged. During the Ming dynasty several Okinawan students traveled to China and
learned under official tutors set up by the royal court of China. Many more students went
to China unofficially, studying under private tutors.
Another important benefit in the tributary relationship Okinawa maintained with
China was the investiture of OkinawaÂ’s king. As the heaven-appointed ruler, the Chinese emperor needed to approve of the rulers of his tributaries. So when a king died and a new
one ascended to the throne, China would send a large investiture embassy to make it
official. Timing was not important in this process, in one case taking over 30 years for
the investiture to occur. The king did not need the ritual to actually rule, only to be
official in the Sino-centric power structure.
The investiture envoy brought great benefits to Okinawa. Among these were
trade, prestige for the Okinawan king, the teachings of Chinese scholars, and cultural
transmission. This was especially important as Okinawa received literature, poetry,
instruments, and the basis for her notation from China. During the investiture the envoy
stayed sometimes for over five months in Okinawa.
Early Musical History
In 1422 the second ruler in the ShĂ´ Dynasty (1406-1469), ShĂ´ Hashi (1422-
1439), was able to unify the island of Okinawa. Trade continued with China, and ShĂ´
Hashi began to trade with other nations as well, including Indonesia and Korea. ShĂ´
Hashi had a short reign, ending with his death in 1439. The next thirty years were
volatile in terms of politics, as five different kings ruled in this short span, usually
deposing the former king by violent means.
During this period the first collection of Okinawan songs was compiled. These
songs, the Omoro SĂ´shi, were mainly transmitted by females in festivals they organized
[Higa 1990]. The songs documented pre-Japanese Ryukyu culture, including religion,
mythology, and history. After the Shimazu invasion and subsequent control of Ryukyu
by the Shimazu clan, women became subservient to men and did not organize festivals.
The songs nearly died out, but a sense of nationalism prompted Okinawans to compile
them into a collection. The omoro were collected in 22 volumes with 1554 songs
included (some are repeated so in actuality it holds 1224). The first volume was
completed in 1531 and the second 80 years later in 1613. The original books of the
collection were burned in a fire in Shuri Castle in 1709, but recompiled and reissued the
following year.
After this period of instability Okinawa experienced what would become the most
stable and productive dynasty in its history, the second ShĂ´ dynasty (1470-1879), begun
by former royal treasurer Kanamaru (ShĂ´ En) in 1470 by a coup dÂ’etat. ShĂ´ En (1470-
1476) quickly moved to centralize power by outlawing weapon ownership and making
Confucianism the national religion.
Okinawan classical music had its genesis with the rule of ShĂ´ Shin (1477-1526),
the third king of the second ShĂ´ dynasty. ShĂ´ Shin required all the lords and their
families to move to the Shuri area where he could watch over them [Sakihara 1981:8]. In
order to keep his “guests” entertained Shô Shin built places where music, dance, and
other arts were displayed [Higa 1976:119]. In establishing these areas ShĂ´ Shin began a
long and fruitful relationship between the traditional Okinawan arts and the royalty, a
relationship that is common in Asia.
Also during this time a vassal of the king, Akainko (?-?), is said to have traveled
the island collecting folk songs and adapting them to sanshin accompaniment. His
efforts have earned him the title of “creator of music” in Okinawan folklore.
Meanwhile in Japan the new Tokugawa government moved to centralize power
and tighten control of its territories. An invasion occurred in 1609, meaning stricter control of Okinawa by mainland Japan, and the forced payment of tributue. Okinawans
were put in a peculiar situation with the claiming of their island as part of Japan. The
Tokugawa government, like those before it, wanted the benefits that OkinawaÂ’s tributary
relationship with China brought, so Okinawa was required to maintain the pretense of
independence while continuing tribute to China. At the same time Okinawans were
required to conform to Japanese customs in their homeland, while on mainland Japan
they were treated as non-Japanese.
When [Okinawans] went to Japan they were forced to act like aliens,
but when they were in Okinawa they were forced to act like Japanese.
Yet when the Chinese envoys arrived for the investiture of the King,
Okinawans had to get rid of everything, ranging from all Japanese
coins in circulation to the menÂ’s undergarments, which might reveal
OkinawaÂ’s true political status as a vassal to the Shimazu daimyo of
Japan [Sakihara 1981a:xxii].
Okinawa’s “Golden Age”
The period from 1650 to 1750 saw the rebirth of Okinawa. Gima ShinjĂ´ (?-?)
introduced new methods of farming sweet potato and sugar, resulting in increased output,
leading in turn to an increase in standard of living, as well as a growth in population.
Other improvements were made to the island including the construction of a series of
highways, connecting the towns with the countryside. Several academic pursuits were
undertaken, such as the documentation of Okinawan history and language. The first
formal school was built in 1718, and by 1790 an educational system was in place.
It was during this time that Tansui Uwekata (1623-1688) refined the style of
Okinawan music known as koten ongaku (classical music) or uta sanshin (voice and
sanshin). Tansui was the udui-bugyĂ´ (Minister of Dance) to ShĂ´ Tei (1669-1709). When Okinawa was invaded by Satsuma in 1609 most courtly pursuits had been abandoned,
including koten ongaku. At the time of TansuiÂ’s appointment to the court of ShĂ´ Tei,
koten ongaku was being perpetuated by courtesans (juri) only. Tansui was able not only
to return the music to the courts but also to elevate its to "a style of high artistic merit"
[Higa 1976:20]. His style, perpetuated by his students, is known as Tansui-RyĂ».
Yakabi ChĂ´ki (1716-1775) was a student in the style of Tansui-RyĂ» who further
modified its performance. He was an expert in the Japanese singing style of NĂ´h theater,
and he used some adapted techniques from that tradition to create a new style of
Okinawan singing, which was in turn passed on by his students. Among the
modifications he made was the addition of heterophony or vocal lag, the effect acheived
as the voice seems to consistently fall behind the sanshin melody, to koten ongaku. In
order to codify the classical repertoire, Yakabi created a notation system based on the
Chinese gongchepu to record the sanshin part.
A contemporary of Yakabi ChĂ´ki, Chinen SekkĂ´ (1761-1828) also made
important contributions to the development of Okinawan classical music. Born a
commoner, he was appointed Minister of Dance under ShĂ´ KĂ´ (1804-1828) due to his
musical talent, which included a vocal range of over two octaves. Chinen changed some
melodies that were awkward, and improved difficult sanshin parts. Higa credits him with
elevating Okinawan music to "a high point of virtuosity, with complicated techniques of
voice and sanshin" [1976:22].
Chinen's style was difficult to sing, and only the highly trained and talented
individual could perform the style correctly. In reaction to this one of Chinen's students,
Nomura AnchĂ´ (1805-1872), led a movement to return Okinawan music to a simpler,more accessible style that more people could sing. His intention was to return to the style
of Tansui as modified by Yakabi ChĂ´ki. His efforts led to intense criticism by court
musicians, who charged that he was "profaning the high art of Okinawan music.” Higa
further states that Nomura was successful in bringing back the older, less complicated
style, while at the same time not sacrificing any of the inherent artistry of Okinawan
music [1976:22]. The style he revived is referred to as Nomura-RyĂ».
A major development in Okinawan classical music is the formation of schools
based on the style of a recognized master musician. The largest school is the Nomura-
RyĂ», founded by students of Nomura AnchĂ´ in order to perpetuate his style. It is from
this school that the first vocal notation came and it is this school that dominates in
Hawaii. The Nomura-RyĂ» has two main sub-schools, the Nomura-RyĂ» Ongaku KyĂ´kai,
founded in 1924, and the Nomura-RyĂ» Koten Ongaku Hozon Kai, founded in 1950. The
latter school was formed by splitting from the former due to stylistic differences. They
use a different edition of the kunkunshĂ® than the Ongaku Kyokai, edited by their president
Nakamura KanÂ’yĂ».
Other schools also emerged, though the infrastructure may have existed for many
years without a formal acknowledgment of a school existing. The Matsumura TĂ´gen Kai
is another offshoot of the Nomura-RyĂ», consisting of students of Matsumura Shinshin, a
student of Nomura AnchĂ´. They, like most schools, use their own kunkunshĂ® edited by
their president Miyagi ShishĂ». Their edition differs in the notation of the vocal line,
using a system invented by ShishĂ» instead of the Isagawa/Serei vocal notation used by
other Nomura-RyĂ» sub-schools.
The Afuso-RyĂ» claims to have preserved the style of Chinen Sekko directly.
While Nomura AnchĂ´ led a movement back to simplicity, another student of Chinen,
Afuso Seigen (1785-1865), kept the complicated style intact and passed it on to his
students.
The Tansui-RyĂ» is said to be the continuation of the style of Tansui Uwekata,
though the school has a somewhat suspect history. The style was thought to have died
out but the late 19th century when Nago RyĂ´shĂ´ (1808-?) appeared, claiming to have
learned the style. ShĂ´ Tai (1848-1879), wanting to preserve this important style, sent
five musicians to learn from Nago. He only remembered seven songs though, but this
became the basis for a new incarnation of the Tansui-RyĂ». The style was transmitted
from Yamauchi Seiki to his grandson Yamanouchi Seihin to his student Nakamuro
Mojun. Two different kunkunshĂ® with their own vocal notations are used, one by
Yamanouchi Seihin1 (1965) and one by Nakamuro Mojun and Serei Kunio (1963).
Emigration
When the Meiji Restoration took place in Japan in 1868, it meant an end to the
period of economic growth for Okinawa. The Meiji government stripped all pretense of
independence from the island. In 1875 Chinese relations were halted, causing Okinawa
to look to its former ally for assistance. But China ignored their requests, perhaps not
1 Yamanouchi Seihin deserves special recognition here for his extensive work in research and
documentation of traditional Okinawan music. He spent part of his life living in Tokyo where he wrote and
published a multi-volume work on Okinawan music. He developed a theory of modes and created his own
vocal notation. He was also a respected musicologist, speaking around the world at conferences about
Okinawan music. Seihin also postulated a interesting, but not well documented, theory of world music
development with Okinawa at the center. His belief was that in ancient times music moved from Okinawa wanting to anger the Meiji government. The United States did attempt to intervene,
suggesting that Okinawa be divided between Japan and China, but this offer was ignored
by the Japanese, and the entire question of Okinawan independence disappeared with
JapanÂ’s victory in the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-95.
This new period under tight Japanese control was a bleak one. A rise in
population in the years before incorporation was now coupled with a shortage of food
crops and general poverty among much of the population. The Okinawans were required
to pay taxes to mainland Japan, but were not able to vote or have representation in the
government. As Japan continued to modernize her military, judicial system, and
government, the amount of Japanese central-government spending in Okinawa remained
minimal, as Japan instead took the position of allowing the standard of living to increase
naturally, without introducing any new social programs or systems. Thus when the first
election of parliamentary members was held in 1920, some 30 years after mainland
Japan, Okinawa was far behind in her standard of living.
The existence of an educated lower class combined with poor living conditions
and harsh treatment by Japan are some of the factors that led to the exodus of Okinawans
to Hawaii around the turn of the century. Men from mainland Japan began emigrating
before Okinawans, for the many of the same reasons. Those who could not “get ahead”
working in Japan went overseas in hopes of saving money and returning to their homes
rich men. The Okinawans had this same motivation plus the hope of getting out from
under a repressive Japanese government.
into India, where it then spread east and west around the world. This theory was not well received in
musicological circles.
Kyûzô Tôyama (1868-1910), the son of a peasant, is responsible for the first
groups to travel to Hawaii from Okinawa. TĂ´yama was involved in the PeopleÂ’s Rights
movement in Okinawa that sought to give the people voting privileges and land
ownership. The movement was effectively dissolved by the Meiji regime, so TĂ´yama
turned his attention to emigration. When he announced that he was arranging for a group
to work in Hawaii, 200 men applied. TĂ´yama narrowed the group to 30, who left
Okinawa on December 5, 1899. Of this group 3 failed the physical exam at Yokohama
and were sent home. The remaining members of the group made the long voyage to
Honolulu along with 741 Japanese contract laborers on the British steamer SS City of
China. They arrived in Honolulu on January 8, 1900, and underwent another physical.
One man was rejected and sent back to Okinawa, while the others were sent to work as
contract laborers on Ewa Plantation.
The 26 men of this first Okinawan group soon found that life in Hawaii was not
much better than in Okinawa. The work was difficult, the hours long, and they were
treated harshly by the field bosses, or luna. Everyone working in the fields was whipped
and cursed by the luna, who treated them as sub-human. In addition to these conditions,
the Okinawans had to endure the scorn of the mainland Japanese, or Naichâ, who had
preceded them by 15 years and did not view the newcomers as equals.
Those from Okinawa Prefecture were not only newcomers but, because of their very
different dialect and customs, due to isolation from the main stream of life of Japan,
referred to as Naichâ, they were looked down upon as a strange and inferior group of
people and treated as if they were foreigners or outcasts by the people from the other
Kens or prefectures [Kimura 1981:52].
Because they raised pigs and ate pork, which was against Bhuddist doctrine, the Naichâ
viewed Okinawans as lower-class. The Naichâ also saw the Okinawans as lazy, dirty,
and not Japanese.
Soon after the workers from Okinawa arrived, Hawaii was annexed by the United
States, effectively bringing to an end any contract labor under the existing immigration
laws. The Okinawans were free to stay or leave. Most chose to return to Okinawa, a few
went to California in search of wealth, and only one stayed in Hawaii. Upon their return
to Okinawa they were asked how life in Hawaii compared. They told stories of
repression and harsh treatment, but these did not make as big an impression as their
ability to build houses with tile roofs and their increase in standard of living. They were
thought to be rich and the news spread all over Okinawa that Hawaii was a land of
opportunities and prosperity.
Soon after the first group left Hawaii for Okinawa or to move on to California
TĂ´yama began to make arrangements for a second group. This time however he chose to
send men more suited to physical labor in hopes of avoiding the same fate as the first
group. He had no trouble finding willing men, as most farmers were enthralled by the
perceived riches that awaited them in Hawaii. This second group consisted of 45 men, all
peasants, 10 of whom were detained in Yokohama. The rest of the group arrived in
Honolulu on April 8, 1903 and were sent to Honokaa Plantation on the Big Island where
they were soon joined by 5 of the 10 detained men who eventually passed the physical at
Yokohama.
Okinawan immigration grew from this second group to over 250 in 1904. The socalled
summoning-of-families period, starting in 1907 and lasting until 1924, occured because of an agreement between the United States and Japan, limiting immigration to
the family members of those who had already immigrated. In 1924 there were between
17,000 and 20,000 Okinawans living in the Hawaiian islands, mostly on Oahu and
Hawaii. The immigration came to a standstill in 1924 with the passage of the Anti-
Japanese Immigration Act by Congress.
Okinawans in Hawaii
This new group of immigrant Okinawans faced the same discrimination as did the
first group in 1900. They were looked down upon by those in power (mostly white
Americans, called haoles), as well as by the naichi, whose discrimination continued to be
more intense than that of the haoles. The naichâ were especially disdainful of Okinawan
customs and culture, which they saw as vulgar. Even naichâ who had Okinawan
physical traits were harassed by their kinsmen.
The Okinawans themselves were not oblivious to the differences:
Though they hate to admit it, many Okinawans did concede that there
was a vast difference between the naichâ Japanese and themselves in
economic and cultural areas. [Miyasaki 1981:166].
Some Okinawans not only saw the differences, but were ashamed of them:
Chofu Ota in 1925 expressed the view that the trouble with Okinawans
in Hawaii was their persistence in following Okinawan customs, which
were nothing to be proud of. He felt that Okinawans should forget their
customs and assimilate into the larger community [Sakihara 1981:120].
Instead of having the effect Chofu Ota desired, that of assimilation, the discrimination
faced by the Okinawans only served to make them stronger as a group.
During the plantation era, however, a major reaction by the Okinawans
to this prejudice was the formation of an independent and thriving
community much like the naichi established against the discrimination
of the larger haole-dominated community. While the community
provided for the Okinawan immigrants a protective mechanism against
animosity, it also contributed to the social solidarity and harmony of
the group and perpetuated the customs and traditions of their native
country. [Miyasaki 1981:165].
Okinawans, then, looked to the expression of their traditional culture as a means
of promoting a self sufficient and positive community in the midst of discrimination from
society and their neighbors. “[P]ride in Okinawn culture, including music and dance, is
part of the Okinawan solution to the problem of condescension” [Sutton 1971:5].
A major component of Okinawan culture, and one that is healthy and thriving in
the Okinawan community in Hawaii, is music. Music was important to Okinawan
immigrants because of its power to remind them of their homeland. Because only a
sanshin and voice are required to perform it, the music, both classical and folk, has
traveled easily with the people. Several nisei remember their parents playing recordings
of music or playing it themselves after a hard dayÂ’s work in the fields. Nakasone Sensei
recalls seeing his motherÂ’s friends playing music and almost weeping from memories the
music brought to them. Okinawans “turned to their culture as a means of solace, a source
of individual and group pride, and a basis for a healthy self-concept and expression”
[Miyasaki 1981:166].
Just as culture uniquely defines a group, music uniquely defines Okinawans, both
in their homeland and abroad. Settlements in South America and Hawaii both exhibit
strong musical cultures, not far removed in practice from Okinawa itself. In Hawaii
Okinawan music is almost synonymous with Okinawan culture [Ueunten 61]. It is at
almost every Okinawan gathering from weddings to social club meetings to family
gatherings.
Classical Okinawan music is not the privilege of a few, but is played and enjoyed
by all sectors of Okinawan society in Hawaii. Okinawan music performances are well
attended, and it is a mark of distinction to travel to Okinawa to study with the master
musicians. Higa notes that “during the weekend one can hear perhaps more Okinawa(n)
music in Hawaii than in Okinawa” [1981:44]. Dance groups enroll students from
elementary school age to senior citizens, and all learn and perform the classic dances set
to the koten ongaku.
As succeeding generations of Okinawans grow they in turn take the mantel of
their culture.
...most of the sansei and yonsei who have a genuine interest in
Okinawan culture satisfy it by formally learning Okinawan music or
dance [Ueunten 79].
While enrollment of younger Okinawans is still few, those who so pursue their roots are
passionate about it. Several have traveled to Okinawa to learn from master musicians
and take part in contests of musical achievement.
Gradually Okinawan culture has moved from something the community kept
hidden to a legitimate and revered art form. Exhibits of Okinawan arts and crafts have
appeared nationally at the Smithsonian, and locally at the Honolulu Academy of Arts.
Music and dance have become especially popular including the traditional Okinawan dance-drama, kumiodori, which has been performed by visiting groups from Okinawa.
The anniversary of the arrival of Okinawan immigrants in Hawaii saw a large scale event
featuring hundreds of musicians and dancers performing at the Neal S. Blaisdell Center
auditorium. The Okinawan community embraces their culture openly and proudly,
without any cause for alarm as in years past.
For the Okinawan community this [is] a long, long way from the earlier
decades of the century when Okinawan music and dance were shunned
as noisy, uncivilized forms of entertainment, a tradition best not
cultivated if one wished to be accepted by polite society [Sakihara
1981:121].
